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As a man we spoke with said, “That was our shorties out there.”ĭue to shifting responsibilities and subjective shortcomings, our initially intended written summation and analysis never came to fruition. School-age youth were among the first to throw down on opening day of the rebellion. Kids arm themselves with bricks and debris to push back occupying police. 7 Rather than wait for and swallow whole the gradual and ongoing assessments stemming from the consent decree, our group met with the resolve to go to the masses themselves and learn what, if anything, had changed three years after the rebellion and one year after the consent decree had taken effect. 6 Both the DOJ investigation and the subsequent consent decree telegraphed a false sense of accountability and concern meant to pacify residents’ smoldering resentment, promising reform through “building community trust, …preventing discriminatory policing and excessive force,” and establishing greater civilian oversight of policing, among other things. For context, some more Baltimore history, from kites.Ī subsequent Department of Justice (DOJ) investigation, whose August 2016 findings were conveniently released just over a week after all officers were acquitted of charges relating to Gray’s murder, resulted in a September 2017 consent decree with the City of Baltimore on the basis that it had discovered substantial evidence of widespread illegal and racially motivated misconduct by the BPD against the city’s predominantly Black residents. Following Freddie Gray’s funeral two days later, further police instigation provoked a more general and sustained rebellion, which led to arrests and more targeted “disappearances” 4 by authorities, the declaration of a state of emergency, the imposition of curfews, and the mobilization of the Maryland National Guard as auxiliary “peacekeepers.” The flames of rebellion began to subside over the course of a week, and the National Guard began a three-day process of withdrawing its troops from the city on May 3, during which time the state of emergency remained in effect. While the particulars surrounding the cause of his injuries were contested, their effect was indisputable: Freddie Gray’s arrest left him clinging to life while lying comatose in a hospital for a week before succumbing to his injuries.Īs he lay dying and within a week of his death, protests were organized in downtown Baltimore and outside of BPD headquarters that only flared into more open defiance on April 25, when pockets of protesters damaged police cruisers, smashed storefront and vehicle windows, and threw bottles and debris. 3 Others suggested that his injuries may have been sustained or at least exacerbated by police giving him a “rough ride,” the practice of driving erratically so as to inflict injury and terror on handcuffed but otherwise unrestrained prisoners during transport. Kevin Moore, a neighborhood resident who recorded the arrest, described Freddie Gray being “bent like a pretzel” and “folded up like a piece of origami” by police while an officer pinned him to the ground with a knee pressed into the back of his neck.
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Between his arrest and transport, Freddie Gray suffered a number of injuries, including a damaged voice box, fractured vertebrae, and his spine being 80% severed at the neck, all of which are consistent with dismissed eyewitness accounts describing him being brutalized. Approximately 30-45 minutes after being dragged limp and screaming into a transport van, he was found unconscious and subsequently hospitalized. Freddie Gray was arrested on false pretenses for the possession of an illegal knife on Apoutside of the Gilmor Homes, a housing project in West Baltimore.
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